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Clients were only criminalized if purchasing from minors under 15 years of age. Inparlora tourism was added if Massagr against minors were committed by French residents outside France. French policy emphasised, along with the International Convention, that the real evil was prostitution, not trafficking, defined as an "accompanying evil". This was heightened in when Jean-Pierre Raffarin 's right-wing government succeeded the Gauche Plurielle plural left coalition of Lionel Jospin The Jospin construction was that prostitutes were victims and needed to be saved and re-integrated.

Those result in proposals for either the employee of prostitution, or developed countries. As a person, the small molecules were closed.

This was a view shared by state feministsministers, delegates, and the powerful abolitionist lobby, and is reflected in the Derycke report as well as the National Commission on Violence Against Women,[38] as well as the debates on modern slavery esclavage moderne. Very few of these constructed prostitution as a legitimate form of work. At the municipal level, there was evidence of prostitutes being constructed as public nuisances that needed to be confined, and many mayors of both political groups responded to citizen groups to introduce by-laws restricting prostitutes' activities in early Hvare-aux-maisons was fuelled by an apparent increased visibility. Massagf commitment to abolitionism prevented specific laws aimed at prostitution which would have been seen as Massage parlors in havre-aux-maisons initially, so they often used uavre-aux-maisons and parking by-laws to drive out workers, which ultimately mean that they were moved from well-lit busy areas paglors much more unsafe areas.

As the discourse shifted Massage parlors in havre-aux-maisons abolitionism to security, hxvre-aux-maisons did more explicit laws and regulations. This disquiet enabled Nicolas Sarkozy to later mobilize public anxiety about security evident in the elections that year in his Domestic Security bill. However, a significant gap havrd-aux-maisons exists in terms of economic and employment opportunities. Meanwhile, immigration policies have become increasingly restrictive, and soliciting can result in the removal of a migrant's work permit.

The vague hsvre-aux-maisons is due to the fact that such measures remain controversial in the Socialist Party. This caused considerable discussion. Instead, they demand the repeal of the law outlawing solication,[57][58] a demand that Chantal Brunel also supports. This influence has waned under the security agenda of the succeeding right-wing governments, but is still evident in the new political thinking, Massage parlors in havre-aux-maisons stated in Marie-Jo Masage 's UMP report to the Delegation on Women's Rights on prostitution[60] in which she echoes the left wing sentiment that the purchase of Masssage constitutes violence.

The pervasiveness of this thinking is even found MMassage the budget. These positions are the familiar ones that define sex work as violence against women on the one hand, and those who see the problem as stigmatisation and poor working conditions on the other. These result in proposals for either the eradication of prostitution, or social reforms. The dominant abolitionist faction consists of Catholics, family values advocates and sections within feminism and the left. This resulted from a close fit between the government position and the dominant socio-political discourse, making it acceptable to a broad coalition that included abolitionists, secular and religious NGOs, politicians from both ends of the political spectrum, and most French feminists.

This was so dominant under the Jospin years as to appear normative and non-ideological[62] and above any philosophical debate. These included an increasing globalization of movements on both parts of the debate, Sweden and the Netherlands were moving to change their legislation in two distinct and different directions, there was political instability in Eastern Europe and there was also increasing concern about AIDSwhile state feminists were also playing an increasing part in policy debates. There were however occasional dissenting voices such as the debate in Le Nouvel Observateur insparked by the Dutch legislation.

This was signed by 35 prominent citizens, and demanded that France and Europe affirm their commitment to the abolition of prostitution, resulting in a debate covering many aspects of the subject, such as choice, autonomy, voice, and agency. La Prostitution aujourd'hui [69] organized by Fondation Jean-et-Jeanne-Scelles Fondation Scelles ,[70] an abolitionist NGO, which also published Le livre noir de la prostitution, a strongly worded attack on the subject of prostitution. Generally the judiciary were satisfied with the existing legislation,[34] although also saw the creation of a new unit of the Judicial Police using information technology to combat pimping and trafficking.

Transnational operators proved a problem to the police. The report of the Delegation named after its author, Senator Dinah Derycke [34][73] was critical of what it saw as the lack of commitment in the fight against prostitution, mainly the difference between France's official abolitionist position and what was occurring in practice. Although the report received a favourable reception in parliament initially, its political impact was limited. Senator Derycke retired due to ill health and died soon after, while other pressures diverted the debate into other related measures, such as organized crime and trafficking and 'modern slavery'.

Outside parliament, there was a new activism and demand for action, led by Bus des femmes. However, the new right-wing government elected in Jean-Pierre Raffarin was to completely change the way prostitution was perceived see below. They demanded eradication of stigma and restoration of rights, access to health and social services, and better "working conditions". The catch-cry of "to save the Republic" worked in the favour of the right and President Jacques Chirac and Jean-Pierre Raffarin who came to power as Prime Minister that year. Article 42 addressed the protection of women in prostitution, considered victims of exploitation, and these were amplified by the Minister for Equality in the Workplace, Nicole Ameline Sarkozy stated that the poor supported a tough crime agenda and that the general population wanted a stronger stand on law and order.

Passive solicitation had been previously decriminalized by another right-wing government, that of Balladur in Proposed Article removed the necessity of the police having evidence of soliciting, allowing 'dress or posture' to be sufficient. He explained that it was inconvenient for the police to have to obtain evidence of active soliciting. In the Senate, a Government amendment subsequently deleted reference to dress after a popular outcry. Furthermore, the new legislation allowed for foreigners to have their permits revoked for disturbing public order, allowing deportation to become a penalty for solicitation active or passiveeven if they were legal immigrants.

It addressed trafficking, by defining it and attached penalties. In the case of alleged victims of trafficking, collaboration allowed them to stay and work till their case was heard. If an exploiters were convicted Article 76they could then receive permanent residence. Finally, article 52 allowed for annual reports to be published on prostitution in France, from onwards. Reactions Reactions included demonstrations and petitions.

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In the Senate, the measures were seen to be street cleaning, rather than addressing the causes of social problems and social exclusionand that reconstructing prostitution as a law and order issue would merely drive it underground, depriving sex workers from access to services, and damaging AIDS campaigns. It was noted that there was no action to deal with organized crime or those who might be exploiting sex workers. The judiciary were equally unhappy with evidence that solely consisted of police testimony and were reluctant to convict. The trafficking policy seemed more aimed at the porousness of borders than at actual criminals, while migrant sex workers appeared to be particularly discriminated against, since they were simultaneously 'rescued' and deported without in any way addressing their vulnerability.

Calls for aiming trafficking policy at traffickers rather than sex workers came from the Senate Law Commission, the Delegations for Women's Rights in the Senate and National Assembly, as well as from the opposition.

In the Senate hearings into prostitution that year, Claude Boucher of Bus des Femmesa sex worker support group, described how sex workers sell sex to survive, unable to make ends meet on social security or the minimum wage. To treat them as criminals, she argued, would just make them more vulnerable. This avoided inconveniencing the middle-class clients, who might have created more opposition. The governmental policy tended to portray all immigrant women in prostitution, the most vulnerable, as victims of trafficking and exploitation, and their pimps as "foreigners".

Inthe police dismantled many trafficking networks, mainly involving Eastern Europe and Africa. The effects were largely those of displacement, pushing their activities into isolated areas, and the am timeslot, isolated them from service agencies, exposed them to violence and destroyed the historical working relationship with the police. By "rescuing" these victims of trafficking and returning them home, he proposed to solve the situation. The offense that we are creating must come to their aid I hope that these women will have a better future than facing degrading encounters night after night" In drawing this distinction, Sarkozy made frequent reference to the inability to speak French, constructing the issue as a defense of French.

He suggested that this made them vulnerable to exploitation, and that the Police would take them home. This last point became a target of those who believed they were being sent back to the conditions that made them leave in the first place. Critics doubted the practicality or whether the benefits were equally distributed between the women and the authorities, an expression of the tension between human rights and public security. In AprilSenator Nicole Borvo PCF attempted to introduce a private bill to repeal the Sarkozy law, arguing that it had been ineffective, and turned victims into criminals. The framework was very similar to the Deryck report, depicting prostitution as violence rather than law and order, and seeking punishment of exploiters, but also measures for prevention and support.

The sale of sexual acts means women's bodies are made available for men, independently of the wishes of those women. Within the National Assembly, most of those who supported the bill were MPs from the Socialist Partywhich dominates the house. There are exceptions such as the French lesbian feminist Claudie Lesselier.

A telephone survey analyzed French attitudes about prostitution. When par,ors and broken down by age and gender, the survey showed havre-aux-maaisons some people gave contradictory answers: For example, some people appeared to ih both the re-opening of the maisons brothels and the interdiction of all forms of prostitution probably believing that both solutions would work, as the survey showed that most Masage were dissatisfied with the existing legal situation. Older people and men were more accepting of the idea of having legalized brothels. These include street prostitutionescort servicesbars, and apartment prostitution.

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