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'Hooking Up' -- What Does It Really Mean?




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It can be universally used and is completely inclusive. A "THOT" might be a random person you hooked up with, or it might just be someone you see on social media who you don't see as being proper dating material. An oversimplified way to look at it is, if you're not a "bae" to someone, then you might be a "THOT" to them. If a woman has the qualities you'd look for in a spouse, she's "Wifey Material. Thirst Trap Most commonly used for a social media photo posted by a woman in which she seems to be unaware of the sexuality of the photo.

A classic example of a "Thirst Trap" would be an attractive woman posting a photo of herself in nothing but lingerie and heels with the caption of "Loving these new shoes! The proponents of the Act, Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker, thus gained permission to introduce culs-de-sac in their subsequent site plans, and they promoted it as a suitable street type for Garden Suburbs. Unwin's applications of the cul-de-sac and the related crescent always included pedestrian paths independent of the road network. This design feature reflects the predominance of pedestrian movement for local trips at the turn of the 20th century, and presages the current planning priority for increased pedestrian accessibility.

In the s, the garden city movement gained ground in the United States and, with it, came its design elements, such as the cul-de-sac. Clarence Steina main proponent of the movement, incorporated it in the Radburn, New Jerseysubdivision, which was to become a model for subsequent neighbourhood developments. The country's Federal Housing Authority FHA recommended and promoted their use through their guidelines [6] and the power of lending development funds. In Canadaa variation of Stein's Radburn plan that used crescents loops instead of culs-de-sac was built in Wildwood Park, Winnipegdesigned by Hubert Bird. Inthe Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation published its own guidelines [7] in which the cul-de-sac was strongly recommended for local streets and, as the FHA in the US, used its lending power to see its inclusion in development plans.

Planning theorists have suggested the use alternatives to culs-de-sac. Most notably, Christopher Alexander et al. Although dead end streets culs-de-sacwould fit his definition of looped local roads Alexander suggestions that "culs-de-sacs are very bad from a social standpoint—they force interaction and they feel claustrophobic, because there is only one entrance". Whole neighbourhood street reconfigurations emerged in several cities, mainly concentrated in North America and the UK, which include Berkeley, California ; Seattle, Washington ; and Vancouver, British Columbia. The transformation of grid plans since the s limits access to an existing road that is newly designated as a major artery, enabling traffic to move smoothly on it, alleviating residents' concerns.

This selective, sporadic transformation is continuing. As traffic volumes increase and as cities decide to remove or reduce traffic on specific streets of central areas, streets are closed off using bollards or landscaping thus creating new, originally unplanned dead ends and producing a new, functional blend of the inherited grid with newer street types. A recent variation of limiting traffic is the managed closure by using retractable bollards that are activated only by designated card holders. However, besides cars, they also stop ambulances and other emergency vehicles, and they often lack adequate turning. Suburban use and benefits[ edit ] Since the end of World War II[10] new subdivisions in the United States and Canada, as well as New Towns in England and other countries have made extensive Hook up street definition of the cul-de-sac and crescent loops street types.

Typically, there is one or several central roads in the subdivision with many cul-de-sac streets of varying length, branching out from the main roads, to fill the land in the subdivision, a dendrite or hierarchical pattern. In this pattern, there are only a few roads relative to the number of cul-de-sac streets leading out of the subdivision and into other subdivisions or onto major roads. In the US, these changes can be attributed to real-estate developers' desire to meet FHA guidelines and make federal home loans available to their consumers. The incentives, which were discontinued in the s, gave the initial impetus for the application of the hierarchical pattern.

In other countries, such incentives do not exist, and adoption is motivated by consumer preferences. American urban planningin the 19th and the early 20th centuries, emphasized a grid planpartly out of extensive reliance on foot, horse and streetcars for transportation. In such earlier urban development, alleys were included to allow for deliveries of soiled supplies, such as coal, to the rear of houses that are now heated by electricity, piped natural gas or oil. Brookside Close in Liverpool was used exclusively for the filming of Channel 4 soap opera Brookside. The use of culs-de-sac reduces the amount of car traffic on residential streets within the subdivision, thus reducing noise, air pollution and the probability of accidents.

The study recommends hybrid street networks with dense concentrations of T-intersections and concludes that a return to the 19th century gridiron is undesirable. The decrease in traffic, in turn, is thought to lower the incidence of crime and increase desirability, because in most cases the people who traverse the cul-de-sac either live there or are guests of those who do. Amanda Hess, writing for GOOD, goes so far as to say that the vagueness of the term could help both men and women dodge the judgments others might make about their sexual behavior: Since "hookup" serves as a catch-all for everything from intercourse to passing out while spooning, the term could help mitigate the gender-based social pressures and stigmas attached to sexual relationships In a sexist sexual climate, "we hooked up" could be the great equalizer.

Do you agree? Ever feel like "hook up" isn't euphemistic enough? This model prevailed between roughly andin "instant cities" such as Lakewood, Californiaand the Los Angeles district of Panorama City.

The street hierarchy has been the dominant model for network layout in new suburbs since the Definnition. In the s, when operations research and definitiion planning were the prevailing analytical tools, street hierarchy was seen as a major improvement over the regular, undifferentiated, "messy" grid system. It discouraged dangerous high-speed driving and street racing in residential areas. New master-planned suburbs often codified the street hierarchy into dfinition zoning laws, restricting the use stteet grid layouts in residential districts. Eventually, the street hierarchy was also adapted for industrial stdeet and commercial developments.

Use of Hoook street hierarchy is a nearly universal characteristic of the " edge city ", a roughly post form of urban definitiin exemplified by places such as Tysons Corner, Virginiaand Schaumburg, Illinois. Criticisms and discussion[ edit ] Social upp and urban planners have often pointed out that the street hierarchy arrangement has serious limitations. These criticisms are generally part of a broader indictment of midth-century urban planning, with critics charging that planners have only considered the needs of young children and their working-age parents in creating the spatial arrangement of the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

Financial costs[ edit ] Some planners and economists consider the street hierarchy to be financially wasteful, since it requires more miles of street to be laid than a grid plan to serve a much smaller population. While housing unit density and, consequently, population density affects the per capita cost of infrastructure, it is not inextricably linked to the street network pattern whether hierarchical or uniform. Theoretically and historically a city block can be built at high or low density, depending on the urban context and land value; central locations command much higher land prices than suburban. The costs for street infrastructure depend largely on four variables: These variables affect the total street length of a neighbourhood and the proportion of land area it consumes.

Street length increases costs proportionately while street area represents an opportunity cost of land unavailable for development. Studies show that regular, undifferentiated grid patterns generally incur infrastructure costs about 20 to 30 percent higher than the discontinuous hiererchical street patterns, reflecting an analogous street length increase[ citation needed ]. In suburban areas subject to property tax caps such as California's Prop 13the enormous per-capita expenditures required to maintain streets mean that only houses costing over half a million dollars can provide enough property tax revenue to cover the cost of maintaining their street hierarchies.

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In areas with low developer impact feescities often fail to provide adequate maintenance of internal and arterial roads serving newly constructed subdivisions. Two planning strategies have been suggested to deal with these costs in new developments: Of the two strategies, reducing street length is the most effective and permanent; densities can vary over time and cannot be effectively controlled. Pedestrian denigration[ edit ] New Urbanists decry the street hierarchy's deleterious effects on pedestrian travel, which is made easy and pleasant within the subdivision but is virtually impossible outside it.


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